An Overview of State and Local Ballot Measures

The universe of statewide initiatives is usually thought of as those states, which number about twenty-four, in which citizens can petition to get on the ballot. In those states, through “citizen-petition initiative procedures,” a certain number of valid signatures are required, by a certain date, before a measure can be placed on the ballot. But that’s actually not the only way: measures also can be put on the ballot in almost every state by the state legislature, with the approval of the governor. That was true of the nuclear freeze initiatives (which called for a halt to the nuclear arms race) in 1982--in six of the ten states the initiative was put on the ballot by citizen petition, but in four states it was the legislature that placed it on the ballot (Massachusetts, New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin). The last three states do not have citizen-petition procedures for initiatives. The precedent these states set means that it is possible to get nonbinding advisory measures on national issues onto the ballot through state legislatures--if there is enough support to do so. Because placing such measures on state ballots through the state legislature is an unusual practice, gathering sufficient support to overcome objections will be essential.      
There are twenty-seven states in which statewide ballot measures are possible, all of which would have to be put on the ballot by the state legislature. There is not enough time to get on the ballot through petition signatures in the citizen-petition initiative states, or the deadline has already passed to do so. (Some of the states where state legislatures can place measures on the ballot allow citizen-petition initiatives.) There are fourteen states with Democratic legislatures and a Democratic governor in which, if the Democrats hold together on a party-line vote, an initiative will go on the ballot. In three states with Democratic legislatures but a Republican governor, there are enough Democratic legislators to override a governor’s veto. Thus, there are seventeen states in which Democratic legislatures, if they have the will to do so, can place antiwar initiatives on the November ballot. In addition, in ten states in which the legislature is divided between Republicans and Democrats or in which the Democratic legislature is shy of a veto-proof majority, it would take from one to five Republican votes to place something on the ballot. (In almost all of the remaining twenty-three states, city and county initiatives are possible.) 
	The twenty-seven states in which statewide ballot measures are possible total more than 40 percent of the population of the United States and contain 258 electoral votes. The nuclear freeze initiatives were the largest “national referendum” ever on issues of peace and war (and the second largest “national referendum” ever, second only to the Defense of Marriage Act initiatives in 2004). The ten states and fifty-six cities and counties that voted on the freeze totaled 30 percent of the population of the United States. Of that, 20 percent was in cities and counties. 

State legislatures (27 states)
States other than those with citizen-petition initiative procedures can put nonbinding initiatives on the ballot. This is because all states except one (we haven’t been able to determine which one) can put what are known as legislative referendums on the ballot, measures for which voter approval is desired. Usually these are bond and tax measures or state constitutional amendments, but New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin showed in 1982 that legislative referendums can include nonbinding advisory measures as well.
There are three primary reasons why Democratic legislatures and Democratic governors in those states might want to put such measures on the ballot:
First, the people are asking that it be done. The quickest and best way to encourage state legislatures to put measures on the ballot is by asking cities that have already opposed the war or supported withdrawal to urge the state legislature to do so. Gathering signatures and endorsements, along with lobbying legislators, may also be helpful. It will be easier to gather signatures in these states than in states where citizen-petition procedures are necessary, because petitions can be circulated and signed online and there is no set number of signatures needed. The experience of the nuclear freeze in New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin is instructive, and the following three factors in their success generally would apply today: (1) existing strong support for the freeze: the 76 percent support for the freeze in New Jersey and Wisconsin was the highest of any of the ten states that voted on it (support in Rhode Island was lower, at 58 percent, but the state was strong in the following two categories); (2) strong grassroots organizing: for example, in New Jersey, the legislature’s passage (by a vote of 100-2) followed three months of lobbying by freeze committees in each of the state’s forty legislative districts; (3) strong interest in establishing initiative and referendum procedures in those states by both the left (especially for environmental and growth issues) and the right (wanting to imitate the tax-limitation measures of Proposition 13 in California). Such support will be essential to overcoming some initial reluctance to place a nonbinding measure on a national issue onto the ballot. 
Second, although it is not the purpose of this campaign to endorse candidates, widespread ballot measures will have the indirect effect of electing more pro-peace candidates, principally Democrats, on both the state and national levels. It is thus in the interest of Democratic-controlled state legislatures and Democratic governors to have these initiatives on the ballot. Conversely, however, in ten of the twenty-seven states that can get on the ballot through state legislatures, it will require the votes of from one to five Republicans to do so, so this argument cuts both ways. In those states it’s crucial to mobilize as much support as possible, particularly in the districts of potential swing voters, or, alternatively, to put Republican and Democratic positions on the issue side by side so that voters can choose between them. Studies have shown that ballot measures on “hot” issues such as Iraq War boost voter turnout by 3 to 5 percent, which can make the difference in close races, including, if ballot measures are widespread, in the presidential race.   
	Third, most states are experiencing severe budget shortfalls and need to make major cuts in state budgets. Those cuts would probably be unnecessary if the money taken from taxpayers for the Iraq War went instead to state and local budgets and/or was granted to states to help with the budget shortfalls. California may or may not be typical, but the amount California taxpayers contribute to the Iraq War is roughly equivalent to the budget shortfall, and thus to the budget cuts that will have to be made. Coalitions will be forming in most states to oppose budget cuts, and ballot measures can garner support from these coalitions and from state legislators by linking the war to the budget crisis. If a state wants to solve its budget crisis, not just this year but in the future, the sooner the Iraq War comes to an end, the better.  
Some final thoughts on state ballot measures. First, no state has a tradition of putting nonbinding measures on national issues on the ballot, so some resistance on those grounds can be expected. Getting on the ballot will be the same in all state legislature states: unless the state explicitly has rules against such measures, it will be a matter of mobilizing signatures and political pressure. Second, in the ten states in which from one to five Republican votes would be needed to put something on the ballot, it’s especially important to have cities urge the state legislature to put a measure on the ballot, and if they don’t, for the city itself to put the measure on the ballot. Third, the task will be made easier because organizational resources, including staff and contact lists, from the caucuses and primaries will be available to organize support for a ballot measure in states that have already held such elections. Similar organizational resources will be available in the states that were targeted by Iraq Summer in 2007: Delaware, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. (These organizational networks can also be used for local initiatives.)
 
Local initiatives (23 states)
There is not enough time to get measures on city and county ballots through gathering petition signatures. That means measures will have to get on ballots by a vote of the city council or county board of supervisors, usually after sufficient support for the action has been demonstrated. It will be easier to get measures on the ballot in cities and counties that have passed resolutions against the war before it started or have later called for withdrawal (these are listed under each state below). One gauge of whether a local government is more likely to put something on the ballot is whether it allows citizen-petition initiatives. The best data is probably from the Municipal Form of Government survey, which is conducted every five years by the International City/County Management Association and surveys cities over 2,500 people. The latest figure we have is from 1996, unfortunately, when 58 percent of the cities responding had initiative procedures. That number had been growing in the preceding five years, however, so it’s possible that by now initiative procedures may be available in more than 60 percent and as many as two-thirds of the nation’s larger cities (those over 2,500 people). However, although ballot measures are more likely in cities and counties that have citizen-petition initiative procedures, local governments can place measures on the ballot if they allow referendums, which can be done in almost 90 percent of larger cities. Nonbinding referendums are least likely to be found in southern communities and most likely in New England and Mid-Atlantic cities. The existence of referendum procedures means that city and county governments can place measures on the ballot. Only three states do not have provisions for at least some form of direct democracy in their local governments (we do not know which ones). "Home rule" charters permit jurisdictions to make their own decisions on electoral or policy-making rules (including adopting forms of direct democracy). Research into the local level should begin with what the particular states "permit" or mandate of their local governments. Does a state require or prohibit the initiative or referendum? How does this vary by type of charter or form of local government? For example, are there different rules for cities and counties?
Not all measures have to go on the November 2008 ballot. Louisiana has two primary ballots, July 19 and October 4, that can include propositions. The idea would be to place a measure on the ballot in New Orleans (and possibly other areas affected by Hurricane Katrina) supporting withdrawal from Iraq, supporting bringing the National Guard troops home that could have protected the city and the region, and supporting investing in rebuilding from Katrina and  in a different energy policy that might help prevent further climate change of the kind responsible for the intensity of the hurricane that struck New Orleans. If such a measure were on the July 19 or (especially) the October 4 ballot, one month before the election, it would be a powerful reminder to the nation about the Bush administration’s second biggest disaster after Iraq--the destruction of New Orleans.

A crucial caveat: Any specific mention of a state or local ballot measure refers to initiative possibilities, places to begin exploring what’s possible in your state, county, city, or congressional district. In every instance, this information will have to be verified, and more information gathered, before proceeding. We have not had time to check, and thus do not know, in instances in which we talk about local ballot measures whether it is possible in any specific instance to place local issues on the November 2008 general election ballot. This would be among the first things that would need to be checked when researching local initiatives. We do not know the requirements or deadlines of local ballot measures. However, unless a state, city, or county explicitly by law does not allow such measures on the general election ballot, proceed. Popular support for placing a measure on the ballot should outweigh reasons of bureaucratic convenience, more work for the elections office, or a lack of a tradition of these kinds of measures, if those are the reasons. As we saw in New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin in 1982, all states that did not have a tradition of having the state legislature put nonbinding referendums on the statewide ballot, popular support can prevail over tradition. If there are complaints about the cost of an election, point out how much the Iraq War is costing your city, county, or state, and how much it will continue to cost if it is not ended quickly. 
National Initiative Possibilities
Alabama, page 17
Alaska, 17
Arizona, 17
Arkansas, 6
California, 18
Colorado, 6
Connecticut, 11
Delaware, 13
Florida, 20
Georgia, 20
Hawaii, 11
Idaho, 20
Illinois, 6
Indiana, 21
Iowa, 7
Kansas, 21
Kentucky, 14
Louisiana, 21
Maine, 7
Maryland, 7
Massachusetts, 8
Michigan, 14
Minnesota, 12
Mississippi, 22
Missouri, 22
Montana, 14
Nebraska, 22
Nevada, 22
New Hampshire, 8
New Jersey, 8
New Mexico, 9
New York, 15
North Carolina, 9
North Dakota, 23
Ohio, 23
Oklahoma, 23
Oregon, 10
Pennsylvania, 16
Rhode Island, 12
South Carolina, 24
South Dakota, 24
Tennessee, 16
Texas, 24
Utah, 25
Vermont, 13
Virginia, 25
Washington, 10
Washington, D.C., 25 
West Virginia, 10
Wisconsin, 16
Wyoming, 25

States in which initiatives can be placed on the ballot by Democratic legislatures and governors

14 states (Arkansas, Colorado, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Oregon, Washington, West Virginia) 

Percentage of national population: 22.61

Arkansas
Although Arkansas has citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to get something on the ballot. However, Arkansas has a Democratic-controlled legislature and governor, so an initiative could be placed on the ballot that way.
In 1982, Izard County (population 11,000) voted on a nuclear freeze measure, which lost, one of only two out of fifty-three local measures not to win.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.93 percent; 6 electoral votes 
Congressional races: No key congressional races.

Colorado 
Although Colorado has statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to get something on the statewide ballot. The way to get something on the ballot is through the Democratic-controlled state legislature and Democratic governor. Colorado has had the third largest number of initiatives on the ballot of all the initiative states, so initiatives are a common occurrence. Local initiatives also are allowed. Denver voters approved the nuclear freeze in 1982 with 62 percent of the vote.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.54 percent; 9 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Senate: An important race for the open seat vacated by Republican Wayne Allard.
House: 4 (Marilyn Musgrave, R):  Fort Collins, 20 percent; Greeley, 13 percent; Longmont, 11 percent
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Boulder, Durango

Illinois
The state has citizen-petition initiative procedures for both state and local jurisdictions but Illinois is unique among such states in that only one or two initiatives have ever qualified for the statewide ballot. A large part of the reason is that the measures are advisory and nonbinding, and the state legislature has a long tradition of ignoring local advisory measures, inducing cynicism about the effectiveness of such measures. Even though this would be a measure directed at the national government, not the state, and thus have a greater chance of getting on the ballot, the better option is to get it on the ballot through the Democratic-controlled state legislature and Democratic governor.
Local measures are another possibility. In 1982, the nuclear freeze was approved in Chicago (75 percent) and Cook County (66 percent). In 2006, the city of Chicago approved a measure calling for withdrawal from Iraq with 81 percent support. The measure read: “Shall the United States Government immediately begin an orderly and rapid withdrawal of all its military personnel from Iraq, beginning with the National Guard Reserves?” A similar measure was approved in Champaign.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 4.22 percent; 21 electoral votes
Congressional races:
6 (Peter Roskam, R): Mount Prospect, 9 percent; Wheaton, 8 percent
8 (Melissa Bean, D): Schaumburg, 11 percent; Palatine, 10 percent
10 (Mark Kirk, R): Waukegan, 14 percent; Arlington Heights, 12 percent
11 (open; Weller, R): Joliet, 16 percent
14 (open, Dennis Hastert, R): Aurora, 27 percent; Elgin, 15 percent 
18 (open, LaHood, R; Iraq Summer): Peoria, 17 percent; Springfield, 17 percent 
City and county resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Aurora, Berwyn, Capital, Champaign (2006 ballot measure), Chicago (2006 ballot measure), Cunningham, DeKalb, Downers Grove, Evanston, Geneva, Oak Park, Riverside, suburban Cook County, Whiteside County  

Iowa
The state does not have citizen-petition initiative procedures. The Iowa legislature places constitutional amendments on the ballot, and may place a nonbinding initiative on the statewide ballot with enough political pressure. Local measures may be possible. Iowa City, home of the University of Iowa, has voted on several ballot initiatives in recent years, because the city charter allows it. It’s not clear whether that of Des Moines or other cities do as well. 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.96 percent; 7 electoral votes
Key congressional races: No nationally targeted races.

Maine
Along with Massachusetts, Maine is one of the five New England states that conducts town meetings and also can place initiatives on the ballot by petition. (The other New England town meeting states are New Hampshire, Vermont, and Connecticut). The town meetings are usually held in March. It’s too late to get a measure on the ballot in Maine this year by petition, but it can be put on by the state legislature, which is controlled by Democrats, and the Democratic governor. The idea would be for the town meeting to support the initiative and petition the legislature to put it on the ballot for the November election. Maine is one of a dozen states with important Senate races, and the Democrat, Tom Allen, is behind in the polls. An initiative could draw a strong distinction with incumbent Republican Senator Susan Collins, who has supported the war, or force her to change her vote in Congress on war funding legislation. 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.43 percent; 4 electoral votes
Congressional races:
	Senate: Republic Senator Susan Collins versus Democratic Representative Tom Allen  
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Arrowsic

Maryland
The state does not have citizen-petition initiative provisions, but it does allow referendums. This has been used thirteen times. Given somewhat frequent use, a good case could be made to have the legislature place an Iraq “referendum” on the ballot.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.82 percent; 10 electoral votes 
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Baltimore

Massachusetts
The state has citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it’s too late to get on the ballot. Petitions would have had to be submitted in early December. Therefore, the only way to get on the ballot is through the Democratic-controlled legislature and Democratic governor. It may be classified as a legislative advisory question and not an initiative. Massachusetts is a town meeting state, with town meetings held anywhere from February 1 to May 31. Town meeting resolutions could urge the state legislature to place an initiative on the ballot. 
The freeze resolution was put on the ballot by the state legislature on September 22, 1982, less than six weeks before the November election. Massachusetts voters approved the nuclear freeze initiative in 1982 with 74 percent of the vote, the highest percentage of any state except for New Jersey and Wisconsin (at 76 percent).
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 2.09 percent; 12 electoral votes 
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Boston, Cambridge, Falmouth (see Cities foe Progress website for list of town meetings that voted against the war)

New Hampshire
The state does not have citizen-petition initiative procedures, although it does hold town meetings in the spring that cover smaller towns and cities. The town meetings are held on the second Tuesdays in March (all smaller towns), April, and May, at the town’s option. One approach would be to get the town meetings to approve the initiative text and recommend that the Democratic legislature and governor place it on the November ballot.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.42 percent; 4 electoral votes 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Senate: John Sununu, Republican, has a strong challenger, Jeanne Shaheen
House: 1 (Carol Shea-Porter, D): Manchester, 18 percent
2 (Paul Hodes, D): Nashua, 14 percent

New Jersey
The state dos not have citizen-petition initiative procedures, but the legislature does place constitutional amendments on the ballot. An Iraq initiative could be placed on the ballot by the state legislature, which is controlled by Democrats, and the governor, a Democrat. In 1982, New Jersey was one of four states that voted on measures placed on the ballot by state legislatures (the others were Rhode Island, Wisconsin, and Massachusetts). The nuclear freeze initiative was placed on the ballot by a 100-2 vote of the state legislature and signed by Governor Thomas Kean, a Republican, who also said he would vote for it.  Passage followed three months of lobbying by freeze committees in each of New Jersey’s forty legislative districts. The freeze was approved in New Jersey with 76 percent of the vote, probably the highest percentage of any jurisdiction that voted on the freeze (Wisconsin may have been similar). New Jersey also allows local ballot measures.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 2.82 percent; 15 electoral votes 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
3 (open; Saxton, R): Cherry Hill, 11 percent
7 (open, Ferguson, R): none
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Maplewood, Plainfield, South Orange

New Mexico
The state does not have citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it does allow referendums, allowing a vote on an unpopular law. With enough popular pressure, the state legislature, with the concurrence of the governor, could pass the initiative provisions as a law or resolution and then put it to the people to be voted on in a referendum. New Mexico has a Democratic legislature and a Democratic governor, Bill Richardson, who, aside from Dennis Kucinich, had the best position among the Democratic candidates on withdrawal of U.S troops from Iraq. 
Even without a statewide ballot measure, a ballot measure in the city of Albuquerque, with 25 percent of the state’s population, could have a decisive impact on the Senate race. It could also have a decisive impact on the 1st District House race, because the city makes up 75 percent of the district, where Republican Heather Wilson is vacating the seat to run for Senate. In recent years, Albuquerque has voted on a minimum wage increase (2005, narrowly defeated) and on a Clean Money campaign financing system (2005, approved). Albuquerque is part of Bernalillo County, which may be an alternative venue for an initiative, one that may encompass suburban areas around Albuquerque as well. In 2006, for example, voters there approved the Quality of Life Initiative, which funds arts and cultural programs, pursuant to a state law that allows such spending if local voters approve. 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.63 percent; 5 electoral votes 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Senate, Pete Domenici, R, retiring, with Democrat Tom Udall against either of the following: 1st District, Heather Wilson, R, retiring to run for Senate seat; 2nd District, Steve Pearce, retiring to run for Senate seat.
	House: 1 (open; Wilson, R): Albuquerque, 75 percent
	2 (open; Pearce, R): Las Cruces, 14 percent
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Albuquerque, Santa Fe

North Carolina
The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures. An initiative for the statewide ballot would have to go through the Democratic-controlled state legislature and Democratic governor.
	The state grants initiative and referendum powers to nine cities, including Charlotte (where it was used in 1977) and Wilmington (used in 1982). We do not know the names of the other seven cities, though they may be the major cities in North Carolina. The state has a key Senate race, and if there were no statewide initiative then initiatives in several of those cities might be pivotal in the Senate race, as well as in Charlotte in the 8th District congressional race.
  
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 2.88 percent; 15 electoral votes 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities: 
Senate: Elizabeth Dole, Republican
8 (Robin Hayes, R): Includes parts of Charlotte, percentage unknown, and Fayetteville, percentage unknown; Concord, 8 percent 
11 (Heath Shuler, D): Asheville, 11 percent
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Carrboro, Chapel Hill

Oregon
Although Oregon has statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to get an initiative on the state ballot that way. Instead, a measure will have to be put on the ballot by the Democratic-controlled state legislature and Democratic governor.
Initiative history: Oregon voters have faced more initiatives than any other state, including California.
In 1982, Oregon voters approved the nuclear freeze initiative with more than 61 percent of the vote. In ten weeks, freeze volunteers collected 112,000 signatures, more than twice the number needed. The petition drive was coordinated by the staffs of two members of Congress, Reps. Jim Weaver and Les AuCoin (indicating that the freeze did not have its own staff). Volunteers came from the Audubon Society and the Sierra Club as well as peace groups. At the center of the campaign was the Ecumenical Ministries of Oregon, which includes the Catholic Church and eleven Protestant denominations. Member churches appointed a person in each congregation to collect signatures. One Portland woman collected 1,100 signatures at her church one Sunday.      
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.20 percent; 7 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Senate: Oregon voters face a crucial Senate race, Senator Gordon Smith, Republican.
	House: 5th District (open; Darlene Hooley, D, retiring): Salem, 23 percent
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Corvallis, Eugene, Portland

Washington
Signature requirement: 8 percent of votes cast for governor
Petition signature deadline: July 4
Certification period: About three weeks.
Deadline to file initiative with state to ensure three months of petitioning: March 4. Because the deadlines are so tight, it makes more sense to go through the state legislature. Washington has a Democratic-controlled legislature and a Democratic governor.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 2.08 percent; 11 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities: 8th District (Dave Reichert, R, incumbent) facing Darcy Burner (D): Bellevue, 20 percent.
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Bellingham, Olympia, Seattle

West Virginia 

The state does not have statewide initiative and referendum procedures, but such powers are allowed some towns and cities (we do not know which ones). An initiative would have to be placed on the ballot by the Democratic-controlled state legislature and Democratic governor.  
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.59 percent; 5 electoral votes
City resolutions against the Iraq War: South Charleston
States with Democratic legislatures that can override the veto of a Republican governor
3 states: Connecticut, Hawaii, Rhode Island
Percentage of national population: 1.89	
Connecticut
The state has a Democratic legislature with a total of 131 Democrats and 56 Republicans, including 24 Democrats and 12 Republicans in the Senate and 107 Democrats and 44 Republicans in the House--a veto-proof majority if the Republican governor vetoes an initiative. In 1982, New Haven voters approved a nuclear freeze initiative with 72 percent of the vote. This vote took place even though there are no explicit initiative rights on the state or local levels. However, the fact that cities put bonds and city charter amendments on the ballot means that a show of sufficient support for a measure probably is enough to get it on the ballot. Connecticut holds town meetings in the spring, and resolutions approved there could build support for state legislative action. 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.12 percent; 7 electoral votes

Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
2 (Joe Courtney, D): no large towns, but four counties
4 (Christopher Shays, R): Bridgeport, 22 percent; Stamford, 17 percent; Norwalk, 12 percent
5 (Chris Murphy, D): Danbury, 11 percent; New Britain, 10 percent  
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: New Haven
Hawaii
The state has a Democratic legislature, with 64 Democrats and 12 Republicans (21-4 in the Senate, 44-7 in the House), enough to override the veto of the Republican governor of an initiative. Hawaii does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, but the county of Honolulu does have initiative procedures. It represents the entire island of Oahu, and contains a little less than 75 percent of the state’s population. Honolulu has had such measures since 1982, when state Senator Mary Jane McMurdo, who routinely sponsored bills to establish statewide initiative and referendum procedures, led a successful campaign for a Honolulu initiative charter amendment to authorize citizens to pass ordinances by initiative. Sen. McMurdo subsequently led successful initiatives to save a block of moderate-income apartments slated for destruction by high-rise builders (1984) and to restrict development on Oahu’s Sandy Beach (1988) and an unsuccessful one to prevent conversion of Fort DeRussy's 45 acres of mostly open space into a hotel-convention center complex. On the island of Kauai, voters approved an initiative in 1980 to stop construction of a hotel-condominium complex at Nukoli'i Beach, but the developer sponsored another initiative, which passed in 1984, to authorize completion of the half-built project. Since 1984 there has been a great deal of interest in establishing the initiative process in Hawaii. However, the state legislature has remained openly hostile to its adoption.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.42 percent; 4 electoral votes
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races.
Rhode Island
The state has a Democratic legislature with enough votes, 93 Democrats to 21 Republicans (33-5 in the Senate, 61-13 in the House), to override a veto by the Republican governor of an initiative. The state legislature places constitutional amendments on the ballot. It also placed the nuclear freeze initiative on the ballot in 1982, which won with 58 percent of the vote. This was done against a backdrop of efforts to establish statewide initiative and referendum procedures in Rhode Island led by Marilyn Hines, state director of Common Cause. The group won approval of a statewide initiative amendment in a state constitutional convention in 1986, but voters rejected it by a narrow margin. In 1996 citizens voted by 53 percent to support a statewide advisory question asking them whether they wanted an initiative process, but the state legislature ignored them.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.35 percent; 4 electoral votes
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races.
States with Democratic legislatures and Republican governors that would need four or fewer Republican votes to override a governor’s veto
2 states: Minnesota (4 votes in one house to override a veto); Vermont (3 votes in one house to override a veto)
Percentage of national population: 1.88 
Minnesota
The state has a Republican governor and a Democratic legislature, with an overall margin of 130 Democrats to 70 Republicans. The Senate will be able to override a governor’s veto of an initiative if the vote is along party lines, with forty-five Democrats and twenty-two Republicans. In the House, with eighty-five Democrats and forty-eight Republicans, it would take a switch of four votes to override a veto by the Republican governor. The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, but their popularity (one poll a few years ago showed 80 percent support for instituting them in Minnesota) means that arguments for placing an Iraq initiative on the ballot should find substantial support, especially if the costs of the war to the state are made an issue. The citizens’ lobby Let Minnesota Vote! was formed in 2002 to mobilize voters to push for statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures. At least some cities allow local measures, which have included a referendum in St. Paul in the late 1970s that threw out a gay rights measure. Minneapolis and St. Paul combined include 12 percent of state’s population, but 60 percent of Minnesotans live in the greater metropolitan region. Because getting a measure onto the ballot through the state legislature may be a long shot, it would be best to try to get initiatives on local ballots along with pushing for a statewide measure. 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.67 percent; 10 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities: 
Senate: Norm Coleman, R, versus Al Franken or Mike Ciresi 
House: 1 (Tim Walz, D): Rochester, 15 percent
3 (open; Ramstad, R): Bloomington, 13 percent; Plymouth, 10 percent; Eden Prairie, 10 percent; Brooklyn Park, 10 percent; Edina, 8 percent; Maple Grove, 7 percent
6 (Michele Bachmann, R): St. Cloud, 11 percent; Woodbury, 7 percent; Blaine, 7 percent
City resolutions against the Iraq War: Duluth, Minneapolis, St. Paul
Vermont 
The state has a Democratic-controlled legislature, with 116 Democrats to 56 Republicans (23-7 in the Senate, 93-49 in the House). That’s enough to override a governor’s veto in the Senate, but a veto override in the House would require a switch of three Republicans. The state holds town meetings on the second Tuesday in May, Town Meeting Day. The great majority pf town meetings supported a nuclear freeze in 1982, as well as withdrawal from Iraq and the impeachment of President Bush.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.21 percent; 3 electoral votes
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races 
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: See Cities for Progress website for list of town meetings that have voted to oppose the war.

States with a divided legislature and a Democratic governor in which the shift of five Republican votes or less would place a measure on the ballot

8 states: Delaware (3 votes), Kentucky (5 votes), Michigan (3 votes), Montana (2 votes), (New York (2 votes), Pennsylvania (5 votes), Tennessee (1-2 votes), Wisconsin (3 votes)
Percentage of national population: 19.36
Delaware
The legislature has the power to statutory measures on the ballot, but it has done so only once.  Delaware has a Democratic governor, and the Senate is controlled by Democrats. The House has twenty-two Republicans and nineteen Democrats, meaning that a shift of three Republicans would be required to place a measure on the ballot.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.28 percent; 3 electoral votes
Kentucky
The state does not have citizen-petition initiative procedures on a statewide level, and it’s not clear to what degree local initiatives are allowed. Kentucky has a Democratic governor and a divided legislature. The House is controlled by Democrats, with sixty-three Democrats to thirty-seven Republicans. The Senate is controlled by Republicans, with twenty-two Republicans and fifteen Democrats. A shift of five Republican votes in the Senate would be required to get a measure on the ballot. Because this may be a long shot, it would make sense to try to qualify local initiatives as well as pushing for a statewide initiative through the legislature.  
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.36 percent; 8 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Senate: key Senate contest, McConnell, Senate Republic leader, R, no strong Democratic candidate yet
House: 3rd District (John Yarmuth, D) Louisville, about 80 percent of the district

Michigan 
The state has citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it’s too late to get on the ballot that way. The alternative is to try to get an initiative onto the ballot through the state legislature. Michigan has a Democratic governor and the House is controlled by Democrats, with fifty-eight Democrats and fifty-two Republicans. However, the Senate is controlled by Republicans, with twenty-one Republicans and seventeen Democrats. If it was a party-line vote, a shift of three votes would be required to place a measure on the ballot.  
Initiative history: Michigan voters approved the 1982 nuclear freeze initiative with 58 percent of the vote. The push for a freeze began in January, when freeze organizer Michael Betzold published an article in the Detroit Free Press describing his personal terror of nuclear war and suggested a freeze initiative in the state. That brought forth volunteers, including from churches and labor unions. One Sunday in March was designated as “Signature Sunday,” and church/synagogue members were asked to sign petitions as they left services. 
Petition signatures were submitted in May, after a four-month petition period, with 385,000 signatures, more than the required 229,000 signatures. It was during the recession the early 1980s, with Michigan particularly hard hit by automobile industry layoffs, and one of the best places to get signatures was in unemployment offices. One of the themes of the campaign to pass the measure was the arms race cost jobs in hard-pressed Michigan.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 3.27 percent; 17 electoral votes
Key congressional races:
7 (Tim Walberg, R): Lansing (unclear how much of it is in the district); Battle Creek, 8 percent 
9 (Joe Knollenberg, R): Farmington Hills, 13 percent; Troy, 12 percent; Rochester Hills, 10 percent; Pontiac, 10 percent; Royal Oak, 9 percent
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Ann Arbor, Ferndale, Kalamazoo

Montana
The state has statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it’s too late to get a measure on the ballot that way. The state has a Democratic governor and one branch of the legislature, the Senate, is controlled by Democrats. The other, the House, has forty-nine Democratic legislators and fifty Republicans, with one independent. Getting on the ballot would require a switch of two votes in the House.
Initiative history: Montana is in the middle range of numbers of initiatives on the ballot historically, with between fifty and one hundred, making initiatives a somewhat frequent occurrence.
In 1982 the nuclear freeze by approved by 56 percent of Montana voters. (Montana also has become more liberal than it as then.) The origins of the freeze campaign in Montana began in early January 1981 when a cattle rancher, John McNamer, began circulating petitions opposing the potential basing of the MX missile there. The missile would have been shuttled around on a huge racetrack system covering thousands of square miles, hence the opposition of ranchers like McNamer whose land it might have occupied.  In August, encouraged by the success of his private petition, McNamer joined forces with the Montana Network for Nuclear Disarmament, and the Montana freeze initiative was born. Although only 18,000 signatures were required, organizers turned in 32,000--representing one out of every 25 residents of the state.
	Montana had had a recent history of antinuclear activity. In 1978, voters approved an initiative to prohibit the construction of nuclear power plants without a majority vote of the population. In 1980, they voted not to allow nuclear waste to be stored in the state.
	A month before the election, after more than a year of organizing, the Montana freeze campaign had spent $1,000, collected from charging admission at dances and raffling off a turkey and lamb donated by McNamer.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.31 percent; 3 electoral votes 
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Butte, Missoula, Helena

New York
The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures. It has a Democratic governor and a divided legislature. The House has 108 Democrats and forty-two Republicans. The Senate has thirty-three Republicans and twenty-nine Democrats, meaning that it would take a switch of only three Republican votes to place an initiative on the ballot. New York, along with the rest of the Northeast, is strongly moving in a Democratic direction. Opposing such a democratic effort might cost some Republican legislators their seats, thus convincing enough of them to put it on the ballot. Some local initiatives are allowed--for example, voters in Suffolk County approved a nuclear freeze initiative in 1982--but that route is not a promising one. In New York City, the courts have ruled that only statutory measures, and not nonbinding initiatives, such as this would be, can be on the ballot. When New Yorkers petitioned in the late 1960s for an anti-Vietnam War initiative and, in 1985, for an initiative to prohibit home-porting of ships with nuclear weapons, state courts ruled against ballot placement on the ground that these were not proper subjects for the ballot. In addition, although New York state has seven key House races, the most of all but two other states, in only one is there a large enough city to make a difference in the election--which is another argument for a statewide initiative.
Percentage of the national population and electoral votes: 6.25 percent; 31 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
13 (Vito Fossella, R): Staten Island, borough of New York City, 73 percent, but advisory initiatives on national policy are not allowed
19 (John Hall, D): none
20 (Kirsten Gillibrand, D): none
24 (Michael Arcuri, D): Rome, 9 percent
25 (Jim Walsh, R): Syracuse, 23 percent
26 (Tom Reynolds, R): none
29 (Randy Kuhl, R): none

City resolutions against the Iraq War: Binghampton, Brighton, Danby

Pennsylvania
The state has a Democratic governor and a divided legislature. The House is controlled by Democrats, with 102 Democrats and 101 Republicans. The Senate is controlled by Republicans, with twenty-nine Republicans and twenty-one Democrats. If the vote was along party lines, it would take a switch of five Republicans to put a measure on the ballot. Because this may be a long shot, it would be better to pursue local initiatives along with a statewide initiative. A statewide initiative would be important, however, if it’s possible: of the seven key House races (more than any other state except New York), only one (or maybe two) congressional districts has a large enough city in which an initiative could play an influential role in the race, whereas a statewide initiative would solve that problem. The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it does allow local initiatives and referendums in third-class cities, a category that includes most of the major cities of the state except the two biggest, Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. That didn’t stop Philadelphia from putting a nuclear freeze measure on the ballot, however. The 75 percent vote for the measure may indicate that there was such strong popular support that the city council felt obliged to put it on the ballot. Votes have also taken place in counties, including a well-publicized and successful 1983 measure in Bucks County to block construction of a massive pump that would have drawn water from the Delaware River to cool a nuclear plant.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 4.10 percent; 21 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:  
3 (Phil English, R):  Erie, 16 percent
4 (Jason Altmire, D): none, suburbs of Pittsburg
6 (Jim Gerlach, R): Reading, 12 percent
7 (Joe Sestak, D): none
8 (Patrick Murphy, D): none
10 (Chris Carney, D): none
18 (Tim Murphy, R): Mt. Lebanon, 6 percent; Bethel Park, 5 percent; Monroeville, 5 percent
City resolutions against the Iraq War: Lansdowne, Philadelphia, Wilkinsburg

Tennessee
The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures. An initiative would have to be placed on the ballot by the state legislature and Democratic governor. The House is controlled by Democrats, but the Senate is tied between Democrats and Republicans, with one independent. Putting an initiative on the ballot would require a switch of one or two votes in the Senate. The state has granted initiative powers to a few cities (we do not know which ones).
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.96 percent; 11 electoral votes
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races.

Wisconsin
The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures. It has a Democratic governor and a divided legislature. The Senate is controlled by Democrats, with eighteen Democrats and fifteen Republicans. The House has fifty-two Republicans and forty-seven Democrats. It would take a switch of three Republicans in the House to get an initiative on the ballot. The state legislature placed a nuclear freeze initiative on the ballot in 1982. It was approved by a 3-1 vote. Local initiative procedures are allowed, and in 2006 an initiative calling for withdrawal for Iraq was on the ballot in thirty-three communities. It passed in most of them, a precedent to argue that it should be on the ballot statewide.  
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.83 percent of population; 10 electoral votes
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
	8 (Steve Kagen, D): Green Bay, 15 percent; Appleton, 11 percent
City resolutions against the Iraq War: Ballot initiatives against the war in Milwaukee and thirty-two other cities and towns; see Cities for Progress website for a list.

Local Initiatives Only
23 states (Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Ohio, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Wyoming)
Alabama
The state has a Democratic legislature and a Republican governor. The state legislature can place constitutional amendments on the ballot. Major municipalities have the right to referendum on ordinances, which can be invoked by a petition of 1,000 voters. We do not know how much this right has been used.  
Congressional races: No key congressional races. 
Alaska
The state has citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it is too late to submit an initiative for the 2008 ballot. Petitions must be submitted prior to the convening of the legislature in the year in which the initiative is to appear. The legislature convenes in January. Alaska approved a statewide nuclear freeze initiative in the 1986 election. Alaska does allow local initiatives in cities over 7,500 population. To be placed on the ballot, such measures require signatures equal to 15 percent of votes cast in the last election. Because the city of Anchorage contains 40 percent of the state’s population, any initiative there could have a decisive on the state’s Senate race and the race for the single at-large House seat. Both Senator Ted Stevens and Rep. Don Young are under the cloud of a scandal. Anchorage could also “anchor” initiatives in other cities in the metropolitan area/region, magnifying its impact even further. The Democratic mayor of Anchorage is likely to run for Senate. 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities: 
Senate: Ted Stevens, R: Anchorage, 40 percent
House: At large, Don Young, R: Anchorage, 40 percent  

Arizona
Arizona has citizen-petition initiative procedures. The petition signature deadline is July 3, and the signature requirement is 10 percent of votes cast for governor in the last election. Petitioning can begin the day the initiative is filed; there is no certification process for the initiative language. It’s probably too late to get something on the ballot that way. Local ballot measures would be the remaining option if so. Although Arizona has a Democratic governor, its legislature is controlled by Republicans. 
Initiative history: Arizona has had the fourth largest number of initiatives on the ballot of all the initiative states, so initiatives are a common occurrence. Local initiatives are also allowed. 
In 1982, the nuclear freeze initiative garnered 42 percent of the vote, the only state out of ten to fail. Observers attributed the failure to the campaign’s late start (true also of other states) and, more likely, the conservative political climate in Arizona. (Arizona is markedly more liberal than it was then, however, with a Democratic governor, for instance). The drive to put the freeze on the ballot was spearheaded by two political novices, one of whom was inspired to do so after attending the freeze national convention in February of that year. “All the politicians we talked to told us there wasn’t enough money or time to do it,” said Nancy Carroll. After an initiative campaign whose genesis was in February, on July 1, after only three months of petitioning, 74,000 signatures were collected, exceeding the 54,000 required to put the measure on the ballot. Of those signatures, 2,000 were collected by 81-year-old Otto Benson, who gathered them door to door, in front of supermarkets, and by passing out petitions in twenty churches, and 8,000 were collected by Alan and Mary MacEwan of Tucson, who got most of their signatures working the movie lines outside theaters showing E.T. Total cost for the petition drive: $1,000. In addition to support from the state’s Presbyterian, Episcopalian, and Methodist churches, the Catholic bishop of Tucson sent one thousand petitions to all his parishes with instructions on how to collect signatures and the bishop of Tucson sent a letter to each congregation urging parishioners to support the freeze initiative.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 2.00 percent; 10 electoral votes
Key congressional races, by district, with potential initiative cities: 
1 (Rick Renzi, R, retiring): Flagstaff, 9 percent
5 (Harry Mitchell, D): Scottsdale, 37 percent; Tempe, 26 percent 
8 (Gabrielle Giffords, D): none

California 
It is too late to get an initiative qualified for the California ballot in time. There is still time, however, to get measures onto city and county ballots, but this will have to be done by vote of the city council or county board of supervisors (there is not enough time to qualify local initiatives by signature either). The deadline to place measures on local ballots in California is August 8. The governments of twenty-nine cities and four counties in California have either approved resolutions opposing intervention in Iraq before the war started or, more recently, have approved resolutions calling for the withdrawal of U.S. troops. Some cities have taken both positions. In all, these local governments represent 9.3 million people. The passage of these resolutions demonstrates that there was an antiwar majority on the city council or the board of supervisors, or a strong enough peace community to encourage their passage, or both. They can be mobilized again. 
If the government bodies that have already opposed the war or called for withdrawal would simply put the question of withdrawal to the voters, then almost 25 percent of the voters in California would have a chance to vote on ending the war. The addition of Los Angeles County alone would add 5.5 million people, for a total of 14.8 million people, or about 41 percent of the population of California. (See the “California ballot measures pamphlet” file for a way in which this information can be used.)
Wherever possible, county-level initiatives should be pursued because they take in more people. If the county board of supervisors is liberal enough that there’s a good chance they would approve an initiative, then a strategy of informal petitioning and gathering endorsements should be pursued. This could include resolutions by supportive city councils urging the board of supervisors to place a measure on the ballot, especially those that have already approved antiwar resolutions. If the board of supervisors isn’t liberal enough, then city ballot measures should be pursued.
The state’s budget crisis provides an opportunity to broaden the coalition in support of placing these initiatives on the ballot, by linking the cost of the war to the state budget. The cost of the war next year to California taxpayers will be more than $19 billion, far more than the $8 billion in cuts that the governor is proposing in next year’s budget. Health, education, social welfare, environmental, transportation, and many other needed services will be drastically cut in this year’s budget while the governor and other elected officials say they have no choice but to do so. And yet, the money from this state that is being spent on the Iraq War would make these cuts unnecessary if those funds went to state and local government instead.
	Last year, Governor Schwarzenegger vetoed a bill passed by the state legislature that would have placed an initiative on the June 3 ballot asking voters whether they supported U.S. withdrawal from Iraq. He did so to protect the election prospects of Republican Party candidates. Recently, he endorsed Senator John McCain for president. 
The nuclear freeze won in 1982 with 52 percent of the vote, the lowest percentage among the nine states that approved the freeze. It was also the one state that encountered the largest opposition campaign. But still, it won.
	Congressional races:
4 (John Doolittle, R): Roseville, 16 percent
11 (Jerry McNerney, D): Tracy, 12 percent; Pleasanton, 10 percent; Lodi, 9 percent; Manteca, 9 percent 
50 (Brian Bilbray, R): Escondido, 22 percent; Carlsbad, 14 percent

Cities and Counties in California that Opposed Intervention in Iraq before the War Started or that Have Called for U.S. Withdrawal from Iraq

Counties
Alameda County (support withdrawal; cities within the county that have passed resolutions:  Alameda, Berkeley, Emeryville, Oakland)
Marin County (support withdrawal; cities that have passed resolutions: Fairfax)
Mendocino County (oppose war; cities that have passed resolutions: Ft. Bragg, Mendocino, Point Arena, Ukiah)
Santa Clara (oppose war; cities that have passed resolutions: Palo Alto, San Jose)

(Note: If Los Angeles County were to place an initiative on the ballot, it would include the following cities, making initiatives there unnecessary: Los Angeles, Culver City, Malibu, Santa Monica, Topanga, West Hollywood) 

Cities
Alameda (oppose war)
Arcata (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Berkeley (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Coachella (support withdrawal)
Cotati (oppose war)
Culver City (oppose war)
Davis (oppose war, support withdrawal)
El Cerrito (oppose war)
Emeryville (oppose war)
Fairfax (oppose war)
Ft. Bragg (oppose war)
Los Angeles (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Malibu (oppose war)
Mendocino County (oppose war)
Oakland (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Palo Alto (oppose war)
Point Arena (oppose war)
Richmond (support withdrawal)
Sacramento (support withdrawal)
San Fernando (oppose war)
San Francisco (oppose war, support withdrawal)
San Jose (oppose war)
San Luis Obispo (oppose war)
Santa Barbara (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Santa Clara County (oppose war)
Santa Cruz (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Santa Monica (oppose war)
Sebastopol (oppose war, support withdrawal)
Topanga (oppose war)
Ukiah (oppose war)
West Hollywood (oppose war)

The National Priorities Project breaks down the cost of the war not only to California but to many cities and counties within the state, as well as to the Bay Area overall. Cities and counties that have passed resolutions against the war are on the Cities for Progress website (formerly, Cities for Peace). It has links to the text of some of these resolutions.

Florida
The state has statewide initiative procedures, but it’s too late to get on the ballot. But it also has local initiative procedures---for example, Dade County (Miami) approved a nuclear freeze initiative in 1982 with 58 percent of the vote. 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities: 
8 (Ric Keller, R): Orlando, 33 percent
13 (Vern Buchanan, R): Bradenton, 8 percent; Sarasota, 8 percent
15 (open; Curt Weldon, R): Palm Bay, 14 percent; Melbourne, 12 percent 
16 (Tim Mahoney, D): Port St. Lucie, 14 percent
24 (Tom Feeney, R): Port Orange, 8 percent

Georgia
In 1913 the Georgia legislature enacted laws granting initiative and referendum rights to the residents of four cities, including Atlanta. We do not know the names of the other cities, or whether these powers have subsequently been used.
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:  
8 (Jim Marshall, D) Macon, 15 percent
12 (John Barrow, D): Augusta, 31 percent; Savannah, 21 percent

Idaho
Although Idaho has citizen-initiative petition procedures, it’s too late to get an initiative qualified for the ballot. The last day to submit petition signatures is April 30.
Key congressional races: 
Senate: the successor to Larry Craig, who is retiring (at some point), versus Democrat Larry LaRocco, who says the most frequent comment he receives is from people saying they want the U.S. to get out of Iraq. When former governor Cecil Andrus recently talked to a group in conservative Idaho Falls, he told them it was time to bring the troops home, even if it meant tying funding to withdrawal timetables. He said a portion of the crowd glowered, but the majority practically gave him a standing ovation.

Indiana
Indiana has four important House races in which Democrats are defending their seats, and in every one local initiatives could have a major impact.
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
2 (Joe Donnelly, D): South Bend, 16 percent; Elkhart, 8 percent
7 (Julia Carson, D): Indianapolis (about 80 percent of the district?)
8 (Brad Ellsworth, D): Evansville, 20 percent; Terre Haute, 8 percent
9 (Baron Hill, D): Bloomington, 10 percent
City resolutions calling for withdrawal from Iraq: Gary

Kansas
Although Kansas dos not have statewide initiative and referendum procedures, in 1909 the legislature established the initiative and referendum in all Kansas cities. We do not know how much it has been used since then. 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
2 (Nancy Boyda, D): Topeka, 17 percent; Manhattan (home of Kansas State University), 8 percent
3 (Dennis Moore, D): Kansas City, 22 percent

Louisiana
Louisiana does not have a statewide initiative and referendum procedure. However, it does allow local propositions and has an election scheduled for July 19 that is only for propositions. The deadline for propositions to get on the ballot is June 3. Propositions can also appear on the October 4 open primary/second primary election (with a ballot deadline of July 25), as well as the November 4 general election (with a ballot deadline of September 19). We do not know whether there are distinctions among these elections that would make it possible to include a New Orleans measure on a particular one of these three ballots or not. New Orleans has had a number of initiatives on the ballot in recent years, most notably an epic battle over control of utility rates in the early 1980s. The idea would be to place a measure on the ballot in New Orleans (and possibly other areas affected by Hurricane Katrina) supporting withdrawal from Iraq, supporting bringing the National Guard troops home that could have protected the city and the region, and supporting investing in rebuilding from Katrina, not war in Iraq, and investing in a different energy policy that might help prevent further climate change of the kind that was responsible for the intensity of the hurricane that struck New Orleans. If such a measure were on the July 19 or (especially) the October 4 ballot, one month before the election, it would be a powerful reminder to the nation about the Bush administration’s second biggest disaster after Iraq, the destruction of New Orleans. Such a measure also might help reelect Democratic Senator Mary Landrieu, who is one of only two vulnerable Democratic senators in this election. 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
	Senate: Democratic Senator Mary Landrieu, one of only two vulnerable Democratic senators in this election
	House: 6th District (open; Baker, R, retiring): Baton Rouge, 35 percent  	

Mississippi
The state does have citizen-petition initiative procedures, but it’s too late to get on the ballot. It’s not clear whether local initiatives are allowed.
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Key Senate race, open seat to replace retiring Senator Trent Lott. A court case is being pursued to determine whether the law requires an election to be held this spring (as Democrats argue) or in November (as the Republican governor argues.) It may have been decided by the time you read this.
House: 3rd District (open, with Charles Pickering, Republican, retiring): includes a portion of Jackson, 176,000 people, percentage in district unknown

Missouri
Although Missouri has citizen-initiative petition procedures, it’s too late to get an initiative qualified for the ballot. It’s not clear to what extent local initiatives are allowed.
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
6 (Sam Graves, R): St. Joseph, 11 percent; Blue Springs, 8 percent
 	9 (open; Kenny Hulshof, R, retiring): Columbia, 15 percent

Nebraska
Although the state has statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to gather enough signatures to get an initiative on the ballot, so local initiatives are the remaining possibility. Nebraska apparently allows local initiatives, because the city of Kearney (population 21,000) approved the freeze in 1982.
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.57 percent; 5 electoral votes
Key congressional races: A key Senate race, an open seat, because of the retirement of Republican senator Chuck Hagel (one of four Republican senators to vote for withdrawal).
No nationally targeted House races.

Nevada
Although Nevada has citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to place a measure on the 2008 ballot. The deadline to submit measures for the November 2008 election was in early December 2007, because signatures must be submitted thirty days before the convening of the legislature, which occurs in January.
Nevada does allow local initiatives. For example, in 1980 several rural counties voted against basing the MX missile in Nevada. The goal would be to place city initiatives on the ballot in major cities, including Las Vegas (which is in the Democratic 1st District but contains 20 percent of the state’s population). 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
2 (Dean Heller, R; Iraq Summer): Reno, 27 percent; Carson, 8 percent
3 (Jon Porter, R): Henderson, 40 percent

North Dakota
North Dakota may be the one remaining state where an initiative could get on the ballot through petition signatures, although it’s probably too late. The deadline is August 4, and signatures from  2 percent of the state population (12,844 valid signatures) are required. It’s easier to gather signatures than in most states because there is no voter registration in North Dakota--anyone over 18 who has lived in the state for 30 days is eligible to vote. The certification period appears to be about two weeks. North Dakota is fourth in putting citizen-petition initiatives on the ballot. If it’s not possible to meet the petition deadline, then local ballot measures would be the remaining option. The state government is controlled by Republicans. 
Initiative history: In 1982, the sponsoring committee for the nuclear freeze initiative in North Dakota included representatives of the Catholic, Methodist, and Lutheran churches, the president of the University of North Dakota, and three Republican state legislators. To get on the ballot, the freeze campaign had to gather 13,000 signatures. It turned in over 16,000. “We were amazed at how easy it was,” freeze volunteer Marv Mutzenberger (now a state senator) said at the time. “We could have gotten 30,000 signatures if we’d had to.” 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 0.21 percent; 3 electoral votes
Key congressional races: No nationally targeted races.
Contacts: Democratic state Senator Marv Mutzenberger of Bismarck was one of the organizers of the 1982 nuclear freeze initiative in North Dakota. His phone number is 701-224-5544. He is also an ordained minister in the Lutheran Church, which is the largest denomination in North Dakota and helped get the freeze on the ballot. The leaders of the Peace with Justice ministry team at the First United Methodist Church in Fargo are Jane Knecht, 701-280-1281, djknecht@uslink.net, and May Pomeroy, 701-281-0286, mjpomeroy@cableone.net. The Methodist Church was one of the sponsors of the 1982 freeze initiative.

Ohio
Although Ohio has statewide initiative procedures, it is too late to put a measure on the Ohio ballot by petition. However, local initiatives are possible. Ohio cities have home rule charters, meaning they can put initiatives on the ballot if their charter allows them to do so. Democrats control the ten largest cities in Ohio, making initiatives in those cities quite possible. Ohio has six key House races, among the most of any state. 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
1 (Steve Chabot, R): Cincinnati, 50 percent 
2 (Jean Schmidt, R): None
14 (Steve LaTourette, R): Mentor, 8 percent
15 (open; Pryce, R): district includes the downtown and western portions of Columbus, 	percentage of district unknown
16 (open; Regula, R): Canton, 11 percent
18 (Zach Space, D): Newark, 7 percent

City resolutions against the Iraq War: Cincinnati, Cleveland, Lakewood

Oklahoma
Although Oklahoma has statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to put something on the ballot. 
Percentage of national population and electoral votes: 1.16 percent; 7 electoral votes
Key congressional races: No nationally targeted races.

South Carolina
The state does not have statewide initiative authority, but in 1910 the state legislature passed a law allowing initiatives and referendums at the municipal level. We do not know how much these procedures have been used.
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races. 

South Dakota
Although South Dakota has citizen-petition initiative procedures, it’s too late to place a measure on the 2008 ballot. 
Key congressional races:
Senate: Although Senator Tim Johnson was one of three Democratic senators expected to be vulnerable in this election, it now looks as if he is safe, without a strong Republican opponent and with strong polling support.
House: No nationally targeted races.
Texas
The state does not have statewide initiative procedures, but allows initiative and referendum procedures as an option for home rule cities. In Texas, any city with a population of 5,000 or more may decide to become a home-rule city by creating its own charter and submitting it to the voters for approval. So far, 303 cities have elected to operate under their own home-rule charters (a list of such cities is available at www.initiativefortexas.org, the website of the organization Initiative for Texas, founded by Mike Ford, which is pushing for statewide procedures). These charters provide for citizens to initiate amendments to the charter via a process similar to the initiative. And 263 of these cities have charter sections specifically providing for initiative and/or referendum for local issues. (For example, in 1982 the city of Galveston voted on and approved a nuclear freeze initiative.) If such measures are put on the ballot, they would have to address the war as a local issue. Such measures can also be put on by the city council as well as by petition. Interestingly, in 1980 the state's Republicans put a measure supporting statewide initiative and referendum (I&R) procedures on their May 2 statewide primary election ballot, and party members endorsed it by a 7-1 margin. In 1982, the same measure was approved by Republicans by a 5-1 margin. However, when George W. Bush was elected governor in 1994, he allowed the state’s Republican Party to remove the pro-initiative and referendum plank from the party’s platform, replacing it with an anti-I&R platform. This change effectively ended any chances of I&R being adopted in the state for the foreseeable future. 
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
	Senate: Republican Senator John Cornyn has low poll ratings, and is facing a strong challenge from Democrat Rick Noriega. Initiatives in a number of the largest cities in Texas could have an effect on this race. 
House: 17 (Chet Edwards, D): Waco, 18 percent; College Station (home of Texas A&M), 12 percent; Bryan, 10 percent
22 (Nick Lampson, D): Sugar Land, 13 percent; Pearland, 13 percent; Missouri City, 10 percent
23 (Ciro Rodriguez, D): No major cities; the largest, Del Rio, has about 5 percent of the district’s population.
Utah
Although Utah has citizen-petition initiative procedures, the requirements are too onerous, with a signature requirement of 10 percent of votes cast for governor, including a geographical distribution requirement of 10 percent in 26 of 29 state senate districts. The deadline is June 1, and before circulating petitions, hearings must be held in seven regions. Utah is fourth or fifth lowest among states in putting initiatives base on petition signatures on the ballot, with seventeen in the last forty-seven years, of which only four have been approved, largely because the geographical distribution requirement is difficult to meet and 10 percent is a high number of signatures.
	However, local initiatives may be possible. With a city that has elected a mayor, Rocky Anderson, who is among the most outspoken in the country against the war and the Bush administration (although he was replaced in January), Salt Lake City would be a likely place for an initiative.
Congressional races: No nationally targeted races. 

Virginia
The state does not have statewide citizen-petition initiative procedures. In 1981 the state legislature approved a law adding initiative and referendum provisions to the city charter of Hampton, which were then approved by city voters. Hampton, with a population of 145,000, is one of the thirty-eight independent cities in Virginia. Under the state constitution, all municipalities incorporated as cities are independent cities, and not part of any county. We do not know whether other cities besides Hampton have such powers.  
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
Senate: An important Senate race, with Democrat Mark Warner ahead.
House: 2 (Thelma Drake, R): Norfolk, 36 percent; Virginia Beach, 60 percent.
11 (open; Davis, R): none
Washington, D.C.
In 1982, the district approved a nuclear freeze initiative with 70 percent of the vote. 

Wyoming
Although Wyoming has citizen-initiative procedures, it’s too late to get an initiative on the ballot. Wyoming does allow city and county initiatives, however.
Key congressional races, with potential initiative cities:
At large House seat: Republican Barbara Cubin is retiring. Democrat Gary Trauner is running for the seat again after almost upsetting Cubin in 2006. Key initiative cities: Cheyenne, 11 percent; Casper, 10 percent